Free Fujimori

This past Tuesday, Alberto Fujimori, the 70 year old former President of Peru, was convicted of murder and other less serious offenses by a panel of three judges just outside of Lima, and was given a 25 year prison sentence. He was convicted not because he pulled a trigger, but because during his decade in power, it is alleged that he ordered a branch of Army Intelligence to perform strategic executions. The veracity of this assertion still unproven to a sufficient extent that he deserved conviction aside, let us consider the situation in Peru when Fujimori came to power, as compared to the shape he left it in.

Peru first returned to democratic elections in 1980 (after a dozen years of military dictatorship), at which time the student-driven Maoist Shining Path group was offered the opportunity to participate and present their platform to the voting public. Instead, they began a ruthless campaign of guerrilla warfare, which by 1992 had resulted in more than 20,000 unnecessary deaths. Indeed, in 1989 alone, the Shining Path murdered 100 politicians as part of a campaign to prevent voting throughout Peru, because they believed the practice enforced the capitalist system they so violently rejected.

But the problems Fujimori inherited did not end with the security threat posed by the massive communist insurgency. In his term as President, predecessor Alan Garcia drove businesses out of Peru through a series of anti-market actions, including his efforts towards the nationalization of private banks in 1987. By the time he left office, there had been 2.2 million percent national inflation, a decline in wages to a three-decade low, and a 20% loss of GDP. And, not only did he drain the national reserves, but he left Peru owing more than $14 billion to foreign nations, the cost increasing greatly through interest because he refused to service the massive debt he helped create.

Undoubtedly then, Fujimori was tasked with addressing two epic problems that on their own would have overwhelmed lesser men. Yet he rose to the dual challenge with remarkable ease. He crushed the Shining Path terrorist organization and restored governmental authority to all of Peru. It is only in the years since he left office and power was turned over to less competent politicians, that the group or splinter factions of it have begun to once more function. Still, their resurgence has been greatly limited in scale by the crippling blow Fujimori delivered to the terrorist organization.

That he also managed to save Peru’s economy is praiseworthy at the very least. He cut price controls and government subsidies, opened the country up to investments, and simplified taxation and tariff laws. His willingness to make drastic marketing reforms secured IMF loan guarantees, which he put to good use. In 1994, just four years into his rule, Peru was posting a 13% growth rate; the highest in the world. Total GDP growth between when he assumed office and stepped down was an impressive 44.6%, and a $10 billion foreign currency reserve was built up.

In essence then, Fujimori saved Peru from itself. He turned around one of the world’s most volatile economies and reintegrated it in the international order, thereby building a foundation for the gradual improvement in the life quality of his citizens. He also brought an end to the bloody violence and instability that threatened the social order and basic human rights of his people. It is possible that in doing so, some inadvertent violations of the law took place. But in view of the highly questionable nature of much of what he was found guilty of, and the exceptionally positive legacy of his rule, his imprisonment is entirely inappropriate. Rather, pending proper alteration to the term limit laws, Fujimori should be free to run for office once more, as he has expressed an interest in doing. This is especially reasonable with his incompetent predecessor who caused so much more damage now serving as President anew.

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